By Nicholas Rostow
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Extra resources for Anglo-French Relations, 1934–36
He concluded that deficiencies in materiel and doctrine showed that 'there is no intention of using the military forces for a war of aggression for some years to come'. 59 These official analyses provided the basis for Foreign Office policy conclusions. An unsigned departmental memorandum for Simon of 24 November 1934, probably drafted in preparation for the parliamentary debate of 28 November, in which Simon participated, defined the choices available to the Cabinet. 60 Information about Germany's rearmament signalled a 'danger point', which the Foreign Office called 'zero hour'.
MacDonald, old, vain, tired and physically deteriorating, clung to office with the tenacity of the aged who believe that to release one's grip is to die. He worried about his Liberal colleague at the Foreign Office who aroused distrust and habitually refused to lead the Cabinet in his area of responsibility. 33 Of the two Conservatives, Hailsham was sceptical about Germany and afraid ofBolshevism. He contributed little but anxiety. The ambitious Hoare sought to lead despite his preoccupation with the India Bill.
Air power made the United Kingdom vulnerable and frightened public opinion. The Cabinet thus should increase the size of the RAF, Chamberlain urged, reject proposals to prepare the navy for war with Japan as well as with Germany, an insignificant naval power, and halve the army's budget for political reasons: 'Expenditure on the Army, even if no mention be made of an Expeditionary Force, bulks so largely in the British Poliry: July-November 1934 19 total as to give rise to most alarmist ideas of future intentions or commitments.
Anglo-French Relations, 1934–36 by Nicholas Rostow