By Paul M. Rego
This e-book examines the political considered Theodore Roosevelt, in particular his ceaseless wish and energy to reconcile America's individualistic culture with the extra collectivistic beliefs of his innovative brethren. Many students and lay-people alike forged Roosevelt as both 'conservative' or 'liberal,' yet his political concept defies so easy an interpretation; it was once extra nuanced and had a bigger objective than mere ideology. an intensive research of Roosevelt's writings finds his conviction that the ideas of private autonomy and civic challenge weren't together particular. in reality, Roosevelt argued that it was once as the rules of self-reliance and private freedom have been very important that it was once occasionally valuable for the complete group to take advantage of its collective power_and, often times, the associations of the government_to permit participants to do what they can now not do by myself. in addition, whereas Roosevelt encouraged and was once answerable for a superb enlargement within the regulatory powers of the nationwide govt, he understood, unlike many different revolutionary reformers, that inspirational rhetoric and confident instance should be pretty much as good as institutional reform and the strength of legislation in compelling contributors to aid each other in a spirit of civic attachment. In his public writings, Roosevelt sought to form the yankee brain in ways in which he suggestion right. Even his writings on nature, looking, ranching, and armed forces existence have been a part of his political idea in that they have been meant to coach american citizens in regards to the value of balancing these individualistic values which are fit and important to a society (discipline, own accountability, and a powerful paintings ethic) with such optimistic collectivistic values as an appreciation for mutual help and a priority for the great of the group.
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Extra resources for American Ideal: Theodore Roosevelt's Search for American Individualism
Davie (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1934), 94. 45. Fine, Laissez Faire, 86. See also William Graham Sumner, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1883), 30–33; Sumner, “Challenge of Facts,” 119–22; William Graham Sumner, “State Interference,” in Essays, vol. 2, ed. Albert G. Keller and Maurice R. Davie (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1934), 142–45. 46. Fine, Laissez Faire, 88. See also William Graham Sumner, “Democracy and Plutocracy,” in Essays, vol. 2, ed.
Appleton and Company, 1895–1898), 6–7, 17; Herbert Spencer, “Sins of Legislators,” in The Man versus the State (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1885), 64–66; Herbert Spencer, The Study of Sociology (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1896), 315. 27. Fine, Laissez Faire, 35. See also Spencer, Social Statics, 293–94. 28. Fine, Laissez Faire, 35. See also Spencer, Study of Sociology, 1–21, 245, 365–67; Spencer, “Sins of Legislators,” 74–77; Spencer, Principles of Ethics, vol. 2, 428. 29. Fine, Laissez Faire, 36.
William James, “Pragmatism,” in The Works of William James, ed. Frederick H. Burkhardt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975–1988), 97. 62. Menand, Metaphysical Club, 358. 63. Fine, Laissez Faire, 282. See also William James, The Principles of Psychology, vol. 1 (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1890), 138–41; William James, “Remarks on Spencer’s Definition of Mind as Correspondence,” in Collected Essays and Reviews (New York: Longmans, Greens and Company, 1920), 67. 64. Fine, Laissez Faire, 282.
American Ideal: Theodore Roosevelt's Search for American Individualism by Paul M. Rego